Despite the fact that the President Volodymyr Zelensky systematically states the need for effective judicial reform, he approved the official strategy of its implementation only in the third year of his presidency. The strategy is a very vague, sometimes eclectic document, which does not commit to clear achievable results, indicators and deadlines, but rather outlines the directions of possible changes that can be implemented both in the interests of society and with disregard of those.
The issue of judicial reform has been repeatedly raised by international partners, who have even provided recommendations on specific areas of its implementation and consider judicial reform as a key factor for Ukraine's transition to a new level of European integration. In addition, some of its specific measures, such as HCJ and HQCJ reforms, are part of Ukraine’s commitments to International Monetary Fund and European Union.
The lack of a clear plan for judicial reform has led to fragmentary, uncoordinated, contradictory and so far ineffective legislative steps. Consideration of important legislative initiatives in Parliament under the influence of oligarch-controlled MPs remains ineffective. It seems that only the motivation of international partners and public demand forces the authorities to demonstrate (imitate?) efforts to carry out the judicial reform.
It is also erroneous to bet on reform by entities in the judiciary that are the least interested in such reform and have already proven it in practice.
It is also important to pay attention to a number of resonant decisions of the Constitutional Court adopted in 2020, which significantly undermined the accountability of the judges. In such a way, in June the criminal liability of judges for making a knowingly unjust decision was declared unconstitutional, and in October- Punishment for providing false declarations of public officials and a number of key control powers of the National Agency on Corruption Prevention. The court motivated its decisions mainly by the fact that these institutions encroach on judicial independence. Such a broad interpretation of judicial independence by the Constitutional Court in the long run may lead to the strengthening of judicial impunity and bail, and thus to corruption in the judicial environment, and risks imposing unconstitutional legislative changes to clean up the judiciary.
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The monitoring revealed that no significant progress was made in the area of judicial reform during 2020-2021 (the mark “partially done” mostly means only the presence of bills that in one way or another correspond to the relevant recommendations). The recommendations provided for priority actions for 2020-2021 remain relevant in the future.
The priority steps of judicial reform in the near future should be:
the reform of the judiciary - the HQCJ and the HCJ - primarily in terms of the procedures for selecting and verifying their members, with the crucial role of international experts to ensure the integrity of such members; without asserting the independence and integrity of these bodies, any judicial reform is doomed to failure;
reorganization of judicial bodies in order to solve the problem of KDAC - creation of one district administrative court for Kyiv and Kyiv region and creation of the Supreme Administrative Court - for consideration at the first instance of disputes including the state bodies of central level;
approval and implementation of a new Anti-Corruption Strategy, which contains urgent measures to promote integrity and fight corruption in the judiciary.
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